CQ

Carroll Quigley: A Visionary Scholar and Historian


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Full Name and Common Aliases

William Carroll Quigley was a renowned American historian, academic, and author who is commonly known as Carroll Quigley.

Birth and Death Dates

Born on June 9, 1910, in Boston, Massachusetts, Quigley passed away on March 3, 1977.

Nationality and Profession(s)

Quigley was an American national by birth and held the professions of historian, academic, and author throughout his life.

Early Life and Background

Growing up in a family with strong Irish roots, Quigley developed an early interest in history. He attended Boston College, where he earned his Bachelor's degree in 1930, before proceeding to Harvard University for his Master's and Ph.D. degrees in the field of History.

Quigley's academic pursuits were driven by a desire to understand the complexities of world politics and the role of powerful forces shaping global events. His early work was influenced by the likes of Toynbee, Spengler, and other prominent historians of his time, which laid the groundwork for his later research on global power dynamics.

Major Accomplishments

Quigley's academic career spanned over three decades, marked by numerous publications and influential appointments. Some of his notable achievements include:

Serving as a professor at Harvard University (1939-1941) and Georgetown University (1952-1977)
Authoring seminal works such as "The Anglo-American Establishment" (1981), which exposed the existence of secret societies and their influence on world politics
Writing extensively on global power dynamics, international relations, and the evolution of modern nation-states

Notable Works or Actions

Quigley's academic output was remarkable for its depth and breadth. Some of his notable works include:

"Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time" (1966), a comprehensive history of global politics from 1885 to 1963
"The Evolution of Civilizations" (1961), a work that explored the development of civilizations and their eventual decline

Quigley's dedication to academic rigor and intellectual honesty earned him widespread respect within his field.

Impact and Legacy

Carroll Quigley's impact on the world of academia is undeniable. His research and writings have influenced generations of historians, politicians, and thinkers worldwide. While some have criticized his views as provocative or unsettling, many others have credited him with shedding light on previously hidden aspects of global power structures.

Quigley's legacy extends beyond his written works to inspire new lines of inquiry into the complexities of human history. His unwavering commitment to intellectual integrity has left a lasting impression on the academic community.

Why They Are Widely Quoted or Remembered

Carroll Quigley is widely quoted and remembered for several reasons:

Unflinching analysis: He was known for his unvarnished critique of powerful forces shaping global events, which continues to resonate with readers today.
Groundbreaking research: Quigley's work laid the groundwork for future generations of historians and scholars seeking to understand the intricacies of world politics.
Intellectual honesty: His dedication to uncovering truth and challenging prevailing narratives has earned him a reputation as one of the most courageous and insightful thinkers of his time.

As we reflect on Carroll Quigley's remarkable life and work, it becomes clear that his contributions extend far beyond the realm of academia. He has left an indelible mark on our understanding of human history and the forces that shape it.

Quotes by Carroll Quigley

Carroll Quigley's insights on:

Hitler's economic revolution in Germany had reduced financial considerations to a point where they played no role in economic or political decisions.
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Hitler's economic revolution in Germany had reduced financial considerations to a point where they played no role in economic or political decisions.
For example, I’ve talked about the lower middle class as the backbone of fascism in the future. I think this may happen. The party members of the Nazi Party in Germany were consistently lower middle class. I think that the right-wing movements in this country are pretty generally in this group.
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For example, I’ve talked about the lower middle class as the backbone of fascism in the future. I think this may happen. The party members of the Nazi Party in Germany were consistently lower middle class. I think that the right-wing movements in this country are pretty generally in this group.
By the winter of 1945-1946, the Russian peoples were being warned of the dangers from the West.
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By the winter of 1945-1946, the Russian peoples were being warned of the dangers from the West.
The key to Carroll Quigley’s success as a teacher and as a scholar lies in his creative intellect, the depth of his perceptions, and the wide interdisciplinary range of this interests, which encompasses the fields of history, economics, philosophy, and science. An iconoclast and a person of insatiable curiosity, as well as keenness of mind, Dr. Quigley stands apart from the specialized scholar who plows diligently in the rutted grooves of narrow disciplines.
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The key to Carroll Quigley’s success as a teacher and as a scholar lies in his creative intellect, the depth of his perceptions, and the wide interdisciplinary range of this interests, which encompasses the fields of history, economics, philosophy, and science. An iconoclast and a person of insatiable curiosity, as well as keenness of mind, Dr. Quigley stands apart from the specialized scholar who plows diligently in the rutted grooves of narrow disciplines.
It might be pleasant just to give up, live in the present, enjoying existential personal experiences, living like lotus-eaters from our amazing productive system, without personal responsibility, self-discipline, or thought about the future. But this is impossible, because the productive system could itself collapse, and our external enemies would soon destroy us.
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It might be pleasant just to give up, live in the present, enjoying existential personal experiences, living like lotus-eaters from our amazing productive system, without personal responsibility, self-discipline, or thought about the future. But this is impossible, because the productive system could itself collapse, and our external enemies would soon destroy us.
Talk comes from ideology but action comes from outlook.
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Talk comes from ideology but action comes from outlook.
When goods are exchanged between countries, they must be paid for by commodities or gold. They cannot be paid for by the notes, certificates, and checks of the purchaser’s country, since these are of value only in the country of issue.
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When goods are exchanged between countries, they must be paid for by commodities or gold. They cannot be paid for by the notes, certificates, and checks of the purchaser’s country, since these are of value only in the country of issue.
The difference between a stable society and an unstable one is that the restraints in an unstable one are external. In a stable society government ultimately becomes unnecessary; the restraints on people’s actions are internal, they’re self-disciplined...
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The difference between a stable society and an unstable one is that the restraints in an unstable one are external. In a stable society government ultimately becomes unnecessary; the restraints on people’s actions are internal, they’re self-disciplined...
The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies... is a foolish idea. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can throw the rascals out at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy. Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other party which will be none of these things but will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately the same basic policies.
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The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies... is a foolish idea. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can throw the rascals out at any election without leading to any profound or extensive shifts in policy. Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other party which will be none of these things but will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately the same basic policies.
The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one, perhaps, of the Right and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to doctrinaire and academic thinkers.
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The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one, perhaps, of the Right and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to doctrinaire and academic thinkers.
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